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REVENGE VIA INTERPOL: HOW AZERBAIJAN TARGETS ITS CRITICS ABROAD

The Azeri Times

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The Azerbaijani authorities are using international criminal warrants to pursue their critics abroad. It looks like they’re getting away with it.

After his detention at Boryspil airport by Ukrainian authorities, Azerbaijani journalist Fikret Huseynli now faces extradition back to Baku. Image still via Front Line / YouTube. Some rights reserved.

You’d think that escaping a state where one has been persecuted is enough to start a new life. But this isn’t the case for Azerbaijanis who have found themselves on the government’s radar for criticising the regime — even from abroad.

On 14 October, Fikret Huseynli, an Azerbaijani journalist and Dutch citizen, was detained by Ukrainian border police at Kyiv Boryspil airport on an Interpol red notice. Huseynli was baffled by the border police’s desire to detain him, and it looked at first that the case would be resolved quickly. But Huseynli remains in Ukraine after a local court decided to hold him in custody for a further 18 days, pending examination of his appeal.

The Financial Times estimates that only three percent of requests to Interpol to file red notice are properly assessed

Reporters Without Borders issued a statement urging Ukrainian authorities not to “abet the attempts of regimes such as Azerbaijan’s to extend their persecution beyond their borders”. As Huseynli told the Institute for Reporters’ Freedom and Safety, employees of Azerbaijani embassy in Kyiv showed up at the airport after his detention and were present during Huseynli’s questioning.

This isn’t the first time the Azerbaijani government has tried to pursue its critics abroad. But Huseynli’s detention raises concerns around the use of Interpol’s red notice system, especially when it is used by undemocratic regimes like Azerbaijan, Belarus, Iran, Russia, Turkey and others.

Inside the dictator’s toolbox

Interpol issues colour-coded notices, the most powerful of which is the red notice — described by one publication as the “closest instrument to an international arrest warrant in use today”. But for years now, rights-focused groups, including the European Commission, have argued that whenever an authoritarian regime requests a red notice, Interpol does not carry out detailed background checks against the people who are being flagged, nor is there external oversight of its operations and decisions. In December 2016, the Financial Times estimated that only three percent of red notice applications are properly assessed.

Another reason for concern is Interpol’s senior leadership, which includes Alexander Prokopchuk and Meng Hongwei — one is the former head of Russian interior ministry department, the latter is China’s vice minister of public security. In 2011, Interpol’s Secretary General Ronald Noble awarded Mehriban Aliyeva, Azerbaijan’s first lady, with a memorial medal for her contribution to the creation of a safer world.

Azerbaijan became a member of Interpol in 1992 and the Interpol National Central Bureau for Azerbaijan was opened in 1993. According to the information on Interpol’s website, the aim of establishing a local bureau was to “ensure swift and efficient criminal intelligence exchange between Azerbaijan’s law enforcement agencies and their counterparts in other Interpol member countries”. In 2012, some 172 Azerbaijani citizens were wanted by the government of Azerbaijan — 160 for criminal offenses, 12 for reportedly going missing. I looked for recent indicators and according to the list, there are still 160 people wanted on red notices and 14 on Yellow Notices. Searching for Fikret Huseynli brought no results, although it’s likely that not every red notice automatically appears on Interpol’s online database.

Enemy of the state. Interpol’s online database of red notice warrants, showing Azerbaijani citizens wanted by the Azerbaijani government. While not all will be political dissidents, Azerbaijan is one of several states to have developed a taste for abusing this international law enforcement system. Photo CC: oDR.

Alovsat Aliyev, a former Azerbaijani national who sought asylum in Germany, was detained by Ukrainian border police in April 2016. Aliyev [unrelated to Azerbaijan’s ruling family] was travelling to Ukraine to attend the launch of the new NGO he had founded — Legal Assistance to Migrants. At Boryspil airport, on his way back to Germany, Aliyev was informed he was the subject of an Interpol red notice. A local court ruled to arrest Aliyev, and sentenced him to 25 days’ imprisonment. He spent 20 days at the detention facility, in terrible unsanitary conditions. Writing about the experience after his release, Aliyev recalled that he and his cellmates had to take turns sleeping, as there were just 20 beds for 27 inmates. During his detention, he was approached several times by representatives of the Azerbaijani government, who offered him extradition. Aliyev refused, fully aware of the consequences if he agreed. He later said that release would have been impossible were it not for the Germany Embassy in Ukraine.

High-profile fugures aren’t safe, either. This August, Russia sought the assistance of Interpol’s Red Notice system to request the arrest and extradition of Bill Browder, one of the people behind the campaign to freeze visas and foreign assets of Russian officials suspected of human rights abuses. As prior attempts were not successful, Russia filed another application for a red notice against Browder.

Alongside Huseynli, two other dissidents have been detained at Kyiv airport on a red notice warrant: Uzbek journalist Narzullo Akunzhonov and Kazakh journalist Zhanara Akhmet

Central Asia’s autocracies are particularly enthusiastic (ab)users of the red notice system. On 20 September, Uzbek journalist Narzullo Akunzhonov was also detained at Boryspil airport on the basis of a red notice issued at Tashkent’s behest. Yesterday, Ukrainian border police also detained the Kazakh journalist Zhanara Akhmet, who has now requested political asylum, at Boryspil airport due to another red notice. On 9 October, Greek police detained Tajik opposition activist Mirzorahim Kuzov at Athens airport (Kuzov is a member of the country’s banned Islamic Renaissance Party). The pattern here is all too obvious.

Earlier, it was reported that Turkey was trying to return a Turkish man with German citizenship from Spain using a similar method. The swift response by the German government to the effect that the man in question was a government critic (and no criminal) meant that extradition was averted. Similar to Turkey, the government of Azerbaijan issued a warning accusing Huseynli of illegally crossing the Azerbaijani border and of committing fraud in Azerbaijan.

In the past, some Azerbaijanis have succeeded in having their names removed from Interpol’s red notice database given their refugee status. Following new policy introduced in 2014, red notices against refugees were no longer permitted as long as certain conditions were met. These conditions included confirmation of an individual’s refugee or asylum seeker status; confirmation that an individual feared persecution in the country that requested the red notice; or that the refugee status granted was not based on political grounds vis-a-vis the requesting country. For example, Azer Samadov left Azerbaijan in 2003 after being persecuted for opposing the regime and later emigrated to the Netherlands as a refugee in 2008. A year later, Azer learned he was on Interpol’s list when he was detained at Amsterdam Schipol airport. It took Samadov eight years to rid himself of the red notice.

Another example is Ziyad Mehdiyev. Who has been harsh critic of Azeri regime with his online activities since 2009. He is the founder of Etiraz.com, OnlarKimdir.com, Buta.news websites and facebook pages (which all were targeted and hacked several times by Azeri government sponsored hackers). He is also one of the organizers of Mass Protests against the Azeri Regime in Baku in March and April of 2011 which brought thousands of youth into the Baku streets to protest Aliyev regime. Dozens of his youtube videos about brutal regime in Azerbaijan with millions of views are taken down by Azer governments multi level efforts and complaints to youtube. His family was summoned to police stations several times and pressed to influence Ziyad to finish his online activities. Only recently Ziyad found out he was put on Interpol’s list by Azeri authorities when he applied to a new job in the US. Ziyad received a political refugee asylum in the US since 2011 and currently working with his defense team to remove his name from Interpol.

A homecoming to avoid

What makes Azer’s story interesting is his prior relocation to Georgia — a common trend for many Azerbaijani political activists. Though he moved to Georgia in 2003, Azer was arrested in 2006 by Georgian counter-terrorist forces at the request of the Azerbaijani authorities — a familiar story in light of the repression faced by Azerbaijani journalists and activists over the last few years in Georgia. As the recent report “Repression Beyond Borders: Exiled Azerbaijanis in Georgia” notes, while many Azerbaijani political activists have taken advantage of Georgia’s liberal immigration policy and NGO-friendly environment, the close relationship between the Georgian and Azerbaijani governments has put significant pressure on Azerbaijani exiles. The atmosphere has only deteriorated following the Aliyevs’ further consolidation of power through Azerbaijan’s 2016 constitutional referendum.

The story of Afgan Mukhtarli, an Azerbaijani investigative journalist who was abducted in Tbilisi in May 2017 in what looked like a well-planned and orchestrated kidnapping, has raised further questions. Georgian investigations into Mukhtarli’s disappearance are yet to yield any results. The report also highlights safety concerns of other Azerbaijani exiles, including cases where Azerbaijani citizens have had applications for residency permits and asylum rejected. One such person is Dasghin Agalarli, who was also on Interpol’s Red Notice system, and who had his asylum request rejected. Agalarli has since left Georgia — and so have a number of Azerbaijanis who at some point took refuge there. Mukhtarli’s wife, Leyla Mustafayeva, decided it was no longer safe for herself or her daughter to remain in Georgia, and recently sought asylum in Germany.

Hundreds of opposition activists attended an anti-corruption protest in the Azerbaijani capital of Baku on 23 September. “Free Afgan Mukhtarli!” reads this poster. Image still via YouTube / RFE/RL. Some rights reserved.

In 2014, Azerbaijan managed to extradite Rauf Mirkadirov, a prominent Azerbaijani columnist and journalist who had been living in Ankara since 2010. The veteran journalist was baffled to learn that his press credentials had been revoked together with his residency permit when crossing the Georgian border. Mirkadirov was handcuffed in front of his wife and daughter and then taken to the airport, flown to Azerbaijan where he was arrested by local police on charges of high treason. Mirkadirov was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment, but later pardoned by the authorities. He fled to join his family following his release.

The persecution of Azerbaijan’s critics both inside and outside the country is nothing new, but it is clear that the measures taken by the Aliyev regime are becoming more extreme. Back in Azerbaijan, there are more and more reports of Azerbaijani citizens being targeted for their participation in recent political protests. On 23 September and 7 October, the National Council of Democratic Forces organised anti-corruption rallies. Although several weeks have passed since, members of opposition parties as well as non-party affiliates are still being targeted by the authorities.

Baku’s eagerness to (ab)use the red notice system shows the true extent, figuratively and literally, of the Aliyev regime’s thirst for revenge beyond borders

A recent case was the dismissal of a long standing veteran actor from the Azerbaijan Drama Theatre. Just few days earlier, a post office employee reported being fired from her job after attending the opposition rally. Others dismissed include a professor teaching at Azerbaijan State Economic University and a doctor who has been fired from his job at the dental clinic. At least 90 members of the Popular Front Party have been called into questioning, threatened, arrested, or fined following their participation at the rally. Other prominent individuals called into questioning include Khadija Ismayilova, an investigative journalist and former political prisoner.

Scores of other citizens are prevented from leaving the country, including a number of journalists and prominent critics of the government. Those imprisoned face humiliation, beatings, inhumane cell conditions, extended time in solitary confinement at the mercy of prison guards and administration. As I write this, reports have just emerged on the health of Bayram Mammadov, the 21-year old youth activist sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment for spray-painting graffiti on a statue of Heydar Aliyev in Baku. Due to the poor conditions in which he is being kept, he has developed a serious kidney inflammation, alongside other health complications.

Azerbaijani dissidents have innumerable good reasons to avoid extradition back to a country which routinely makes a mockery of justice. With that in mind, it’s time for Interpol to reconsider its questionable system of international red notices — which show the true extent, figuratively and literally, of the Azerbaijani regime’s thirst for revenge beyond its borders.

Corruption

UK aims at shady Azerbaijani money – but is it missing the target?

The Azeri Times

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Some have expressed concern that the UK’s first use of the “unexplained wealth order” targeted someone already out of favor with the Azerbaijani government.

The announcement that the wife of an Azerbaijani banker is the first target of British efforts to crack down on foreigners’ illicit wealth was welcomed by good government advocates, but raised concerns that London may only be aiming at figures who are out of favor with their home governments.

On October 10, British media reported that the target of Britain’s first “unexplained wealth order” is Zamira Hajiyeva, the wife of Jahangir Hajiyev, the former head of the International Bank of Azerbaijan. The order is a recently introduced instrument allowing British law enforcement officers to demand explanations when a person’s wealth does not correspond to their declared income. It is aimed at cracking down on the vast amounts of ill-gotten wealth – much of it from the former Soviet Union – parked in London.

There is no shortage of dodgy Azerbaijani money in the UK. The investigation into the “Azerbaijani Laundromat,” for example, found that shell companies based in the UK played a key role in the Azerbaijani political elites’ money-laundering and influence-buying operations.

The Hajiyevs, meanwhile, had already been cast out of the Baku political elite: In 2015, Hajiyev was sentenced by an Azerbaijani court to 15 years in prison for misuse of funds.

The government-friendly Azerbaijani press – not typically a fan of stories about Azerbaijanis falling afoul of investigators in the West – widely reported the news about Hajiyeva. “All of England is talking about Zamira Hajiyeva,” crowed a headline on Haqqin.az, a news site connected to Azerbaijan’s security forces.

Two days before the news broke in the UK, in fact, Haqqin had already reported that Hajiyeva was the target of the order. The story cited the Telegram channel Banksta – a Russian-language channel covering banking affairs – but a sister website of Haqqin, Azeri Daily, had named Hajiyev as early as July.

That Hajiyeva was targeted, out of the many potential subjects of the order, raised some consternation among observers.

“There is an interesting issue with the case of Zamira Hajiyeva,” tweeted Anar Mammadli, an Azerbaijani human rights activist. “After all, she and her husband, Jahangir Hajiyev, are not the first Azerbaijani civil servants to buy property in London. Will the other official-families’ ‘contributions’ to the British economy be investigated? After all, they are not alone!”

“What a can of worms,” tweeted John Heathershaw, a professor at the University of Exeter who studies post-Soviet financial ties with the West. “Many thousands more potential cases. Or are we just going to look at those who have fallen out of favour with their home governments?”
“What a can of worms,” tweeted John Heathershaw, a professor at the University of Exeter who studies post-Soviet financial ties with the West. “Many thousands more potential cases. Or are we just going to look at those who have fallen out of favour with their home governments?”

“Hajiyev and his wife have already fallen foul of the system in Azerbaijan. I don’t imagine the Azerbaijani regime will be overly concerned to see this investigation. Who knows, maybe they even had a hand in triggering the investigation,” tweeted analyst Alex Nice.

“My take on the UWO is that it looks like a missed chance to send a big message,” tweeted Oliver Bullough, a journalist who has extensively covered post-Soviet wealth in the UK. “Jahangir Hajiyev had already been jailed in Azerbaijan so why not use the standard asset recovery route, as with Gulnara Karimova? UWOs are supposed to be for assets that can’t be seized otherwise.”

Nevertheless, the move was welcomed by good government advocates. “UWOs should now be used more widely to pursue more of the £4.4 billion worth of suspicious wealth we have identified across the UK,” Duncan Hames, director of policy at Transparency International UK, told the BBC.

And some in the region wondered if their oligarchs would be next. “It seems that investigators from the National Crime Agency started from the letter ‘A,’” joked Uzbekistani writer Hamid Ismailov on twitter. “Uzbek ‘nouveau riches’ might think that they are last in the running order:) in between Uganda and Zambia.”

Joshua Kucera is the Turkey/Caucasus editor at Eurasianet, and author of The Bug Pit.

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Politics

Political émigré who returned home to visit critically ill father arrested on fraudulent drug-related charges

The Azeri Times

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Azad Hasanov, Musavat party member and political exile living in Lithuania, has been arrested during a short return to his home country and charged with drug trafficking.

According to his lawyer, Osman Kazimov, the Khatai District Court sentenced him to four months in detention on drug-related charges. Under Article 234.4.3 (illegal manufacturing, purchase, storage, transportation, transfer or selling of sale of drugs), Hasanov faces between five and twelve years in prison.

On 11 October, Musavat deputy chairman Sakhavat Soltanli reported that Hasanov had disappeared and was likely arrested. He has been a member of the Surakhany Musavat branch since 2003 and had relocated to Lithuania in 2014, where he was granted political asylum.

He returned to Baku on 10 October, upon learning that his seriously ill father was about to die.

According to his spouse, Tarana Hasanova, he did not have any problems flying into Baku airport: “His father has been seriously ill and is about to die. He arrived on 10 October during the night. He did not have any problems crossing the border and stayed with his father until noon. He later went to the Mosque to pray. That’s where people in civilian clothes stopped him and forced him into a car. When his brother tried to help him, they pushed him aside and told him they are from the police.”

Hasanov’s fate recalls the case of lawyer Emin Aslan who was forced into a car by people in civilian clothes a few days after returning from his studies in the US. He later was found to be held at the Office for Combating Organized Crime, and spent 30 days in detention for failing to obey a police officer’s orders.

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Society

European film festival in Baku: a Dutch cat, a Hungarian horse and a ‘faceless’ French artist

The Azeri Times

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The 9th European Film Festival has officially begun in Baku.

The event is organised by the European Union in Azerbaijan and will end on 21 October, until which time the public is invited to view 19 European films free of charge.

Here are some of the films we recommend:

The documentary film Wild Amsterdam, accompanied by director Mark Verkerk and producer Ignas van Schaick, will be screened at the festival. The film centres around the animals of Amsterdam, but not in a way you might expect: the story is told from the perspective of a cat, who shows us how squirrels, pigeons and waterfowl live in Amsterdam’s canals and parks.

The directors say that the consultation with ecologists and other specialists took half a year by itself. The film is a viewing wonder, dynamic and modern. For example, one scene depicts the retrieval of bicycles from the bottom of the canal with the help of special machinery. The scene looks as if it has been cut right out of a thriller because of how it traumatises the crabs living on the bottom.

The film Kincsem – Bet on Revenge is from Hungary, and also concerns the fate of an animal – a racehorse who belongs to a broke aristocrat forced to earn money through racing. However, the film is not about horseracing, but rather about competition between members of high-class society in the Austrian Empire. The film’s action revolves around the young aristocrat who becomes involved in a dispute with an Austrian officer, whose daughter later falls for the main character.

Barbara, a film by Christian Petzold, is a drama shot in 2012 which takes viewers back to 1980 when Germany was still divided by the Berlin Wall. The main heroine of the film lives in the German Democratic Republic and dreams of leaving. Forced to work in the country and under constant surveillance, she methodically prepares her plan to escape. At first it seems everything will work out and that nobody can prevent her from leaving, including the all-powerful Stasi. However, an inconvenient and unexpected attachment to one of her colleagues jeopardises her escape.

Latvian film Dream Team 1935 by Aigars Grauba was also shot in 2012 and also offers an excursion into the past – to the pre-war period of 1935 when the first European Basketball Championship took place in Geneva. Participation in the championship was a great chance for national teams to go down in sports history. The Latvian team seizes the opportunity, though young trainer Baumanis soon comes to understand that it is far more important to overcome oneself than one’s enemy…

Halima’s Path is the work of Croatian director Arsen Anton Ostoyich, and is dedicated to one of the bloodiest wars of the second half of the 20th century – the war in former Yugoslavia. The action takes place in the post-war years in Bosnia. A woman by the name of Halima who lost her husband and son (though not biological) dreams of finding their remains in order to give them a proper burial. She is only able to do this with the help of DNA analysis. While she is able to find her husband’s remains, she finds it difficult to do so in the case of her son. Halima must then go through some hardship to find the biological mother of her son in order to find him.

The French film See You Up There is also devoted to war and its consequences. This time, the action takes place during World War I. The story begins in the final days of the war, when two young soldiers – an artist from a wealthy family, Edouard, and a former bank employee, Albert – are forced to go to their certain deaths on the orders of a malicious captain. Edouard, whose face has been disfigured, saves Albert, which firmly binds the two friends together: now Edouard is an ‘invisible’ artist, and Albert his impresario.

In addition to film screenings, the festival includes workshops and discussions with European directors.

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