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The Biggest-Ever iPhone, With a Mouthful of a Name

Photo Philip W. Schiller, senior vice president for marketing, talks about all the iPhones available and their prices on Wednesday. Credit Jim Wilson/The New York Times ■ Apple has begun its annual event to unveil new iPhones and other products at the Steve Jobs Theater in Cupertino, Calif.■ Apple unveiled a new entry-level iPhone, called…

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Apple Event Live Updates: The Biggest-Ever iPhone, With a Mouthful of a Name
Photo

Philip W. Schiller, senior vice president for marketing, talks about all the iPhones available and their prices on Wednesday.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

■ Apple has begun its annual event to unveil new iPhones and other products at the Steve Jobs Theater in Cupertino, Calif.

■ Apple unveiled a new entry-level iPhone, called XR, that comes in a wider variety of colors, including white, black, red, blue and yellow. The device is composed of aluminum, unlike the glass bodies of other models.

Photo

Philip W. Schiller, senior vice president for marketing, shows off the iPhone Xs, iPhone Xs Max and iPhone XR on Wednesday.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

■ Apple also showed the iPhone XS, a sped-up version of last year’s $999 iPhone X, in two screen sizes: 5.8 inches and 6.5 inches.

■ The version with the larger screen, the iPhone XS Max, is Apple’s biggest iPhone ever.

■ The new iPhones cost $750, $1,000 and $1,100 — all increases from last year.

Photo

Philip W. Schiller, senior vice president for marketing, talks about the new camera on the iPhone XR on Wednesday.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

■ The company introduced a fourth-generation Apple Watch with a larger screen that is more of a health-related device.

■ Apple is also expected to give an update on the imminent release of iOS 12, its next mobile operating system, which includes Screen Time, a feature for restricting the amount of time people spend on their phones.

Photo

Philip W. Schiller, senior vice president for marketing, talks about the new iPhone XR while comparing it to the screen size of the iPhone 8 Plus on Wednesday.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

Larger, faster and pricier phones. Where have we heard that before?

Once again, Apple has made its phones a bit larger and faster, and is charging you more for them. The company said the phones would start at $750, $1,000 and $1,100 for the various models, compared with starting prices of $700, $800 and $1,000 last year.

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It’s a tried-and-true strategy for the company to milk a product line that has saturated the market; Apple said Wednesday it has shipped nearly 2 billion iPhones and iPads.

Photo

Lisa Jackson, vice president for environment, policy and social initiatives, talks about what the company is doing to keep at 100% renewable energy on Wednesday.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

To boost growth, Apple has raised prices. Unit sales of the iPhone were about flat in the latest quarter compared with a year earlier, but iPhone revenue rose 20 percent, to $29.9 billion. Something else that rose 20 percent? The average selling price of the iPhone.

By going bigger and pricier, Apple isn’t just trying to boost growth with prices, but also by getting its customers to use their devices even more. Research shows consumers with larger smartphones use the devices more, particularly to do things like watch movies and play games.

Photo

Philip W. Schiller, senior vice president for marketing, talks about the Dual Sim Dual Standby feature on iPhone Xs on Wednesday.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

That’s good for Apple. A central part of the company’s growth strategy is by getting existing iPhone owners to pay for more services on their phones, like Netflix and HBO. For each subscription bought via its App Store, Apple takes a 30 percent cut for the first year and 15 percent for each subsequent year. That bet seems to be working: Apple services revenue rose 31 percent to $9.55 billion in the latest quarter.

— Jack Nicas

More colors for the entry-level iPhone.

Apple rolled out the iPhone XR, a new entry-level model with a 6.1-inch model that comes in a wider variety of colors, including white, black, red, blue and yellow, for $749. The device is just as fast as the XS models that Apple showed earlier in its event. It also has a slightly larger screen than the 5.8-inch iPhone XS.

Photo

Philip W. Schiller, senior vice president for marketing, shows off the features of the camera on the iPhone Xs on Wednesday.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

Here are the main features to know about: The XR has a single-lens camera, unlike the XS models which have dual-lens camera systems. It also uses LCD, a cheaper screen technology than the OLED screens on the XS, and is composed of aluminum, unlike the glass bodies of the premium phones.

— Brian X. Chen

iPhone XS? How do I pronounce that?

The iPhone is old enough now that figuring out what to call the new versions each year has become tricky. Last year, on the device’s 10th anniversary, Apple skipped the iPhone 9 and went straight to the iPhone X. (But they pronounced it ten not “X.”)

Photo

Philip W. Schiller, senior vice president for marketing, shows off the size of the new iPhone Xs on Wednesday.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

This year, that X created an awkward situation for Apple. The company has typically appended an “S” to the name of the second iteration of each generation of phones, like the iPhone 5S, 6S, and so on.

But this year, that meant calling it the iPhone XS. Never mind that XS is the abbreviation for extra small — not an adjective Apple wants for its $1,000 phones — but say “XS” out loud. In the age of smartphone addiction and devices that cost as much as some refrigerators, “iPhone Excess” may not necessarily be great for branding.

Photo

Tim Cook, chief executive,
announces the iPhone Xs on Wednesday

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

Instead, the new iPhone XS is pronounced “iPhone 10S,” or as the audience here quickly realized, “iPhone Tennis.”

Now add the new iPhone XS Max to the mix and you’ve got “iPhone Tennis Match.”

— Jack Nicas

Meet the largest-ever iPhone.

Apple quickly unveiled the iPhone XS, a premium model with a 5.8-inch screen, and the iPhone XS Max, a new big-screen premium model with a 6.5-inch screen. The iPhone XS Max (what a mouthful!) is the company’s biggest-ever smartphone.

Photo

Jeff Williams, chief operating officer, talks about the features of Apple Watch Series 4 on September 12, 2018 at the Steve Jobs theater at Apple headquarters in Cupertino, Calif.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

The XS models are generally sped-up versions of last year’s iPhone X, Apple’s first $999 model. Apple emphasized the phones’ advanced processor, durable glass and so-called Super Retina OLED display with a wide color gamut.

It’s obvious why Apple and other phone makers like Samsung keep increasing the size of their phones: Phones with bigger screens are selling well. When presented with the choice between a small phone and a bigger one, most people will go with the latter. That’s similar to how just about everyone wants a big-screen TV.

Photo

Apple COO Jeff Williams talks about the electrocardiogram features on the Apple Watch Series 4 on September 12, 2018 at the Steve Jobs theater at Apple headquarters in Cupertino, Calif.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

For mobile phones, there are tradeoffs. For one, the larger phones are more difficult to use with one hand. With last year’s 5.8-inch iPhone X, it is difficult to reach your thumb across the screen to type a keystroke or hit a button inside an app. Those usability tradeoffs will probably persist in these new models.

The larger screens raise an important question about design and usability. Will Apple do much in the near future to improve one-handed use as its devices keep getting larger?

Photo

Apple COO Jeff WIlliams talks about Apple Watch Series 4 during the new product releases on September 12, 2018 at the Steve Jobs theater at Apple headquarters in Cupertino, Calif.

Credit
Jim Wilson/The New York Times

When Apple’s screen sizes started growing with the iPhone 6 in 2014, the company released a software shortcut, called Reachability through which users can tap the home button twice to lower the top of the screen and make it easier to reach buttons up there. That feature still exists for the brand-new iPhones, but the lack of a home button makes it more difficult to use — instead of double tapping the home button, now you swipe down from the bottom of the screen. I often accidentally hit a button inside an app when swiping down for Reachability, which can be frustrating.

— Brian X. Chen

Apple Watch becomes more of a health device.

Apple introduced a new version of its watch that it’s calling the Apple Watch Series 4, which it has designed to be more of health aid.

It’s the first time the company has redesigned the device since it was introduced in 2015. The new watch is slightly thinner than the previous version, but the black frame around the screen — what are know as the “bezels” — has been removed to create a larger display area.

Significantly, Apple said the new watch has a faster processor and better health and motion sensors. For instance, the watch can detect when a wearer has fallen down, a leading cause of injuries. If you have fallen, the watch is designed to prompt you to alert emergency services; if it detects no motion by the wearer after a minute, it calls automatically. The watch can also perform a heart-rhythm test called an electrocardiogram, alerting you to worrisome heart rhythms.

Apple said the new watch would be the first over-the-counter ECG device offered to consumers and that it had been approved by the Food and Drug Administration.

The device’s new health-related features are sure to increase to Apple’s dominance of the smart watch category, and they underscore the company’s focus. When the watch was first released, critics and consumers were confused about its utility. Over time, Apple has refined the device to focus on its health and fitness capabilities. Now the narrative is clear: Get this watch, if you want to live.

The Apple Watch will be available in several colors and band styles; watchbands from older Watch models will work on the new model. The Watch starts at $399. It will begin shipping on Sept. 21.

— Farhad Manjoo

Did Tim Cook really tweet that?

A few minutes before the event began, Tim Cook, the company’s chief executive, posted a tweet that appeared to be an errant direct message: “No. Who can get it here quickly?” He quickly deleted it, but not before it was liked more than 2,000 times.

Apple fans and followers on Twitter went wild with jokes and speculation. The blog Cult of Mac said: “Tim Cook just tweeted and deleted something weird. Could be concerning for today’s keynote.”

Then the lights dimmed, the enormous screen behind the stage lit up and the “Mission Impossible” theme began playing. A video showed an Apple employee with a briefcase racing across the company’s campus to the Steve Jobs Theater. She delivered it to Mr. Cook, and the briefcase was revealed to hold his slide show clicker.

No, Mr. Cook did not screw up before such a carefully choreographed event. The tweet was a marketing stunt.

Joke’s on us! Figured Cook wouldn’t DM fail. https://t.co/d6j9o6oWD1


Mark Gurman (@markgurman)
Sept. 12, 2018

— Jack Nicas

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A year after Mugabe, hopes for a new Zimbabwe still low

The Azeri Times

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A year after Mugabe, hopes for a new Zimbabwe still low

Harare, Zimbabwe – A year since a trio of army generals held former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe under house arrest as part of a 10-day military operation that enabled his protege, Emmerson Mnangagwa, to take power there are mixed feelings as to how different the proclaimed “new dispensation” is from Mugabe’s autocracy.

In an unprecedented show of support for the de facto coup, on November 18, 2017, hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans marched the streets, demanding the veteran ruler step down.

Days later, just moments after a parliamentary impeachment hearing began, the then 93-year-old resigned after nearly four decades in power. But a year since President Mnangagwa’s inception, the hope some citizens had in the liberation fighter nicknamed “the Crocodile” now seems jaded.

Takudzwa Tawenga, 32, a self-employed artisan who participated in a mass anti-Mugabe protest on November 18, 2017, told Al Jazeera he was disappointed by the new regime.

“The day we marched, I really felt like Mnangagwa was the hope of the people, but it seems like the suffering we experienced under Mugabe hasn’t changed.

“It’s like the army just kicked out a dictator so they could enjoy power for themselves. There is nothing for us in this new dispensation,” he said.

Bitterness over the worsening state of the economy and the contentious aftermath of the July polls risks creating a rift between the people, the Crocodile, and the military they once hailed for ousting Mugabe.

Gun between people and the state 

On July 30, millions of Zimbabweans cast their ballots in the first election without Mugabe as a candidate. Mnangagwa won by a narrow and disputed margin of 50.6 percent against his younger rival Nelson Chamisa of the MDC Alliance.

An independent commission of inquiry led by former South African President Kgalema Motlanthe is currently looking into the post-election violence that saw the military deployed onto the streets of the capital.

At least six people were shot dead and dozens more were wounded, but army commander Phillip Valerio Sibanda denied troops killed civilians and said the firing of “warning shots” was constitutional.

“They fired in the air but I do not believe any could have aimed shots at the civilians.

“We would have been very foolish as the defence forces to give orders to the troops to open fire on the civilians with all these people [election observers and foreign journalists] in the country,” Sibanda told the Motlanthe Commission on Monday.

Human rights observers have dismissed the army chief of staff’s testimony. Dewa Mavhinga, southern Africa director for Human Rights Watch, told Al Jazeera the commander’s claims were false.

“The blatant denials on the documented and video-recorded role of soldiers on 1 August is an insult to Zimbabweans. It is a blatant attempt to hide the truth and sweep things under the carpet,” he said.

Although Mnangagwa initiated the Motlanthe Commission and put a stagnant national peace body into motion in an attempt to chart a different path from Mugabe’s closed authoritarian style, he has struggled to break with the past.

According to Mavhinga the general approach of the security forces in the post-Mugabe era has been one of “arrogance, continued impunity, and lack of sincerity”. 

Despite promises of a new era, the blurred role of the military in state governance and party affairs continues to raise concern.

Piers Pigou, senior consultant for the International Crisis Group, told Al Jazeera although Mugabe was gone, the system of non-separation of powers between the state, the ruling party and the executive was still in place.

“There is still no effective civilian oversight of Zimbabwe’s military and intelligence community, which both retain in practice partisan loyalties to [ruling] Zanu-PF. Notwithstanding provisions in the constitution setting out non-partisan responsibilities, no significant action has been taken to alter this reality.

“Although there is a new sheriff in town, Mnangagwa, like Mugabe, must navigate around both security sector and ruling party interests,” he said.

But as Mnanagagwa struggles to balance the desires of those who helped him into power with his own, he also grapples with the dilemma of preventing the economy from collapsing. 

Nation on the brink

A recently introduced tax on all electronic transactions above $10 has sparked a wave of price rises in basic commodities such as bread, sugar and cooking oil and spurred fuel shortages.

The two percent levy aroused fears of a return to the hyperinflation era under Mugabe, when the Zimbabwe dollar rapidly devalued and price increases became uncontrollable. 

WATCH: Is Zimbabwe’s new tax generating shortages and uncertainty?

Under a multiple currency regime adopted in 2009, the US dollar is used in daily transactions. However, because of cash shortages a local surrogate currency known as bond notes are more commonly used, but even this is in extremely short supply and of lesser value.

On the black market the coveted US dollar currently trades at an average of US$1: $3,20 although the official rate is 1:1.

For Margaret Moyo, 47, a shopkeeper, keeping up with the price increases has made life difficult.

“I can’t keep up with the cost of things anymore. When I go out to order my goods some suppliers now demand US or they say the price is double if you are paying with bonds.

“This money is worthless, we are back to the Zim [Zimbabwe] dollar days again,” she said.

Despite a public outcry against the rising cost of living and the devaluing of the local surrogate currency, the government is pressing ahead with its reforms to widen the tax base.

President Mnangagwa has urged citizens to grit through a Transitional Stabilization Programme, which is part of his long-term vision to transform Zimbabwe into a middle-income country by 2030.

“[T]here are pains to be borne and sacrifices to be made before things start looking up for the ordinary man in the street.

“We must all gird for belt-tightening measures, leaders and ordinary citizens alike,” he wrote in a Sunday column in the state press. 

Hope in re-engagement

After years of isolation under Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s hope for a lifeline may lie in re-engagement with the international community. However, following the election controversy, the US renewed targeted sanctions urging the post-Mugabe regime to demonstrate greater efforts towards reform.

Pigou told Al Jazeera that Mnangawa’s efforts to change from the authoritarian order of the past will be under close scrutiny if relations with the West are to improve.

“[T]he international community is primarily interested in an economic dispensation that actively promotes fiscal transparency and accountability, and that upholds the rule of law and protection of property rights… With some form of electoral mandate, the months ahead will be crucial for seeing how the Mnangagwa administration translate promises into action,” he said.

Follow Tendai Marima on Twitter and Instagram: @i_amten

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Sri Lanka parliament ‘votes against newly appointed PM Rajapaksa’

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Sri Lanka parliament ‘votes against newly appointed PM Rajapaksa’

Sri Lanka’s parliament passed a no-confidence motion against newly appointed Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and his government on Wednesday, opposition lawmakers said, throwing the country deeper into crisis.

The move comes a day after the Supreme Court overturned a presidential decree dissolving the legislature and calling for snap elections.

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya ruled that a majority of the 225-member assembly supported a no-confidence motion against Rajapaksa, 72, who was appointed prime minister on October 26 in place of Ranil Wickremesinghe.

I rule that this House does not have confidence in the government (of Rajapaksa)

Karu Jayasuriya, the Speaker

“The ayes have it,” the Speaker announced over his public address system  “I rule that this House does not have confidence in the government (of Rajapaksa).”

Opposition leader R Sambanthan told Reuters that the motion presented by an opposition party was taken to a voice vote and had the majority support.

Chaotic scenes

Amid chaotic scenes, Rajapaksa, a former controversial president, and his legislator son Namal walked out of the chamber just before the Speaker called for a vote.

Members of Parliament loyal to Rajapaksa attempted to grab the mace, the symbol of authority of the legislature, to disrupt the vote, but Jayasuriya went ahead.

Jayasuriya, the parliament Speaker, has opposed president’s decision to appoint Rajapaksa [Dinuka Liyanawatte/Reuters]

The result does not automatically mean that Wickremesinghe, whose United National Party (UNP) is the biggest in parliament, has won the constitutional showdown.

President Maithripala Sirisena retains the power to choose the next prime minister.

Sirisena’s October 26 decision has left the South Asian island nation with two prime ministers, with Wickremesinghe holed up in the official residence and refusing to step down.

The UNP had “vehemently” rejected the sacking of the parliament and demanded a House vote to prove that the deposed leader still had the backing of at least 113 legislators.

The United States, European Union and other members of the international community have raised concerns over the crisis.

Only China has recognised the appointment of Rajapaksa, who during his decade as president until 2015 relied heavily on Beijing for diplomatic and financial support.

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40 years on, Khmer Rouge leaders face genocide verdict

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40 years on, Khmer Rouge leaders face genocide verdict

Phnom Penh, Cambodia – Vang Tam, 65, is in little doubt over what he would do if he ever encountered the Khmer Rouge responsible for the death of his parents and four siblings in the 1970s.

“Even if I died, I would take his head off. I’d do whatever,” he shouts, dragging on a cigarette inside his floating home on Cambodia’s Tonle Sap river.

“Our ancestors were executed near the mountains, I was the only one not killed.”

Tam is an ethnic Vietnamese fisherman who was born in Cambodia. Like hundreds of thousands of others, he was evacuated to Vietnam soon after the Maoists under Pol Pot took control of Cambodia, but many of his family stayed behind.

When he returned home in 1980, after the Vietnamese had overthrown the Khmer Rouge, he discovered about 40 of his family were dead.

Those who hadn’t been executed had died from overwork or starvation.

On Friday, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), better known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, will hand down its verdict on whether the regime’s “Brother Number Two,” Nuon Chea, 92, and its head of state, Khieu Samphan, 87, committed genocide against ethnic Vietnamese and Cham Muslims, another minority.

Former Khmer Rouge head of state Khieu Samphan on screen in the media centre at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal [Pring Samrang/Reuters] 

Judges will also rule on whether the two men are guilty of crimes against humanity related to prisons, worksites, forced marriages and sexual violence.

The court sentenced both men to life terms in 2014 for crimes against humanity for their role in the forced evacuation of cities soon after the Khmer Rouge took power.

Accountability

Friday’s decision comes with the tribunal facing widespread criticism for lengthy delays, government interference, and corruption.

While some argue the court has delivered long-awaited justice for victims, others have labelled the process a waste of time and money with convictions against only three people in 12 years.

Opinion was split among Cham and ethnic Vietnamese survivors of the regime interviewed by Al Jazeera. Many know nothing about the tribunal.

Sa Rom Ly, 62, a Cham who managed to survive mass purges in Kampong Cham by pretending he was ethnically Khmer, said he was sure the Khmer Rouge attempted to wipe out his people – something prosecutors have been attempting to prove.

“The Khmer Rouge wanted to get rid of Cham because of our religion,” he said, adding he supported the tribunal.

“We are happy that the ECCC held a trial of the senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge because it can help hold them accountable for their actions,” he said.

“They deserve to be punished because they were the ones who ordered the regional chiefs to execute people and they followed their orders. If not, they would be killed too.”

Talking after prayers at a mosque in Phnom Penh’s Russei Keo district, Kop Math, 64, recounted similar brutality meted out to Chams in Battambang after they had been evacuated from the capital.

“My father sneaked away to pray but they spotted him and took him away to be killed,” said Math, who lost 16 of his 20 close family members.

Math, who visited the tribunal twice during the genocide segment, said he believed the court was delivering true justice to the victims, but he wanted to see more people in the dock.

“I think they should bring regional commanders to justice … but we don’t want the lower levels. If we demand [the lower levels] to be brought to justice this could result in confrontation,” he said.

Kop Math sits outside a mosque in Phnom Penh [George Wright/Al Jazeera]

Looking for justice

Down a winding alley that runs alongside the Mekong River, El Los, 72, explained how he lost all his parents and siblings after being told they had been taken away on a boat and executed in Kampong Cham.

Los said he knew nothing of the tribunal but that all Khmer Rouge, from top to bottom, should be made to pay for their crimes.

“We really want to find justice but where are they? We are suffering but what can we do?” he said. “The lower levels point and say they were following orders – but all should be held accountable.”

Prime Minister Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge commander who helped overthrow Pol Pot after defecting to Vietnam, has been vocal in his opposition to further trials, claiming it could plunge Cambodia back into civil war.

Cambodia’s court upholds Khmer Rouge life sentences

Both Cambodian and international judges sit in the court and both sides have to agree on decisions. Local judges and prosecutors have been accused of being under the influence of the government, especially in ongoing investigations of mid-ranking former Khmer Rouge.

The fact such a small number from the regime have been brought to justice is a common frustration among many Cham survivors, explained Farina So, principal deputy director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia and author of The Hijab of Cambodia.

The Cham researcher said although the tribunal – particularly the genocide case – was important to many Cham, creating public forums for dialogue between victims and perpetrators and their children was vital in helping communities reconcile.

“It’s also effective because you need to get things out of the court and into the community. Then they can discuss openly without fear,” So said.

‘Just a show’

Back on the Tonle Sap river, barely any of the 15 ethnic Vietnamese interviewed said they knew about the tribunal.

“Nobody talks about it. I have no idea what this court is,” said Chroeng Yan, whose father was clubbed to death by a Khmer Rouge soldier.

Vang Tam, one of the few who was aware of the court, was scathing in his analysis.

“It’s just a show, it’s meaningless,” he said.

His friend sitting next to him, Veeng Thhan Yoeng, 65, interjected.

“About 40 of my relatives were killed… I don’t think we can get justice,” he said. “We want to see more on trial.”

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